martes, marzo 31, 2015

SOCLA: Gira Educativa en California, Finca Star Route

Los socios de SOCLA visitaron la primera finca certificada como orgánica en California, Finca Star Route. La producción orgánica es un esfuerzo compartido entre agricultores y población local para sobrepasar la presión que ejerce la producción industrial de comida.

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Venezuela y Rusia en la mira (E1)

domingo, marzo 29, 2015

VI CLOC-VC: Para garantizar el derecho a la alimentación

Biodiversidad en América Latina | Diplomado Dr. Andrés Carrasco en Periodismo y Comunicación Ambiental - Ciclo 2015

Hugo Chavez and Leftist Soldiers in 20th Century Latin America | Opinion | teleSUR

sábado, marzo 28, 2015

Amnesty International Whitewashes Venezuelan Opposition Abuses

“While condemning the (Venezuelan) government for supposedly cracking down on freedom, the (Amnesty International) report shied away from any criticism of the opposition’s intentional restriction of movement through the use of barricades, widespread intimidation and attacks on government supporters, and repeated attacks on journalists ranging from state media workers and community radio stations to international media. For example, in March 2014, a mob of anti-government protesters beat journalists working for organizations such as Reuters and AFP. One photo-journalist, Cristian Hernandez, was beaten with a lead pipe, but was rescued by state security forces. 

Another journalist that witnessed the beating tweeted, “They protest for freedom of expression and against censorship, and they attack photo-journalists … for no reason? Where’s the coherence?””

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jueves, marzo 26, 2015

teleSUR ahora en Estados Unidos

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domingo, marzo 22, 2015

Granada: la Revolución de la Nueva Joya que brilló en el Caribe

El 13 de marzo de 1979 se produjo en Granada, isla de la cadena de Las Granadinas, el derrocamiento de Eric Gayry, quien había permanecido en el poder desde 1954, por un grupo de jóvenes integrantes del Movimiento Nueva Joya, dirigidos por Maurice Bishop, , . La revolución granadina tuvo como característica el haber tomado el gobierno de manera pacífica (sin derramar sangre) en un proceso organizativo de seis años que tuvo una sola acción militar el 13 de marzo de 1979, día del triunfo.

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Gill Tract defense

How to Feed 9 billion on a Small Planet (Feat. Miguel Altieri)

sábado, marzo 21, 2015

The CIA and Signals Intelligence

U.S. Embassy in Moscow

Formerly Top-Secret Multi-Volume History Details Spy Agency’s Conflicts with NSA and Military over SIGINT Role

Additional Declassified Documents Describe CIA Domestic and Foreign SIGINT Activity

CIA Role Often Put It in Direct Competition with NSA, but Recent Cooperation Made Possible Controversial Exploits Uncovered by Edward Snowden

National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 506
Compiled and edited by Jeffrey T. Richelson

Posted March 20, 2015

For more information contact:

Washington, DC, March 20, 2015 – For decades the Central Intelligence Agency has conducted a major signals intelligence (SIGINT) effort that often placed it in competition with other members of the Intelligence Community, according to a significant collection of declassified documentation posted today by the National Security Archive ( As described in a previously Top-Secret multi-volume history of the CIA's role from 1947-1970 — obtained by the Archive through the Freedom of Information Act — the CIA regularly struggled with not only Soviet counterintelligence and international upheavals like the Iranian revolution but overlapping missions and domestic budgetary battles with the National Security Agency (NSA) and other entities during the height of the Cold War.

Among the CIA's successes described in the documents that make up today's posting was the creation of the RHYOLITE geosynchronous satellite program which allowed continuous coverage of missile telemetry and targets in Eurasia. Agency operatives were also able to tap into radio-telephone communications of Communist leaders as they rode in limousines around Moscow, to track Soviet missile launches from two secret stations inside the Shah's Iran, and to intercept Warsaw Pact communications from a tunnel dug under East Berlin.

These achievements were not without bureaucratic costs. The RHYOLITE program raised hackles at both the National Reconnaissance Office (NRO), which oversaw much of U.S. satellite intelligence activity, and the NSA, whose personnel initially found themselves cut out of the program. Overseas, the Soviet limo bugging ended after a news report disclosed it and may also have led to the execution of the Soviet agent who installed the listening devices. After the Shah fled Iran during the 1979 revolution, the founders of the Islamic Republic quickly seized the two sensitive US monitoring sites, handing a major loss to American intelligence.

These and other aspects of the CIA's long involvement with SIGINT are described in over forty documents obtained by Archive Senior Fellow Jeffrey Richelson through Freedom of Information Act requests, archival research, and other websites.

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Noam Chomsky with David Barsamian, Conversation, 18 March 2015

Noam Chomsky with David Barsamian, Conversation, 18 March 2015 from Lannan Foundation on Vimeo.

Noam Chomsky is internationally recognized for his writing, lecturing, and teaching on linguistics, philosophy, contemporary issues, intellectual history, international affairs, and U.S. foreign policy. This event was followed by a talk with David Barsamian.
This event was part of the In Pursuit of Cultural Freedom lecture series.
Noam Chomsky is internationally recognized for his writing, lecturing, and teaching on linguistics, philosophy, contemporary issues, intellectual history, international affairs, and U.S. foreign policy. Born in 1928 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, he studied linguistics, mathematics, and philosophy at the University of Pennsylvania, where he received his PhD in linguistics. He taught at Massachusetts Institute of Technology for 50 years and is now Institute Professor (Emeritus) in the Department of Linguistics and Philosophy.
He has published leagues of work, including numerous best-selling political books, which have been translated into scores of languages worldwide, most notably among them: Hopes and ProspectsThe Essential ChomskyHegemony or SurvivalFor Reasons of StateOccupy, and Fateful Triangle (new edition forthcoming from Haymarket Books).
The New York Times Book Review says, “Judged in terms of the power, range, novelty, and influence of his thought, Noam Chomsky is arguably the most important intellectual alive.”
In this episode he is joined in conversation with David Barsamian. The companion Talk episode may be found here.
You may learn more about this event on the Lannan website; you may also listen to the audio recording of this event there.
Additional photos of this event are available on Flickr.

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viernes, marzo 20, 2015

US INVASION OF IRAQ (I wrote the text)

This week marks the 12th anniversary of the bombing and invasion of Iraq by the U.S.-led coalition. Under the pretense of looking for weapons of mass destruction – which proved to be a false claim – the United States and its allies overthrew the Iraqi government and devastated its society. Today, after hundreds of thousands were killed in the military campaign and the violence that followed, Iraq in undoubtedly worse off than before.

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No, Monsanto NO compró a Blackwater

Gente, me estoy cansando de repetirlo: Monsanto NO compró la firma de seguridad privada Blackwater. ¿A qué se debe la insistencia en seguir repitiendo ese embuste? ¿Por qué repiten como papagayo y le dan "forward" y "share" a informaciones sin verificarlas? ¿Es demasiado pedir que activistas tengan un poquito de seriedad e integridad en el manejo de la información?

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jueves, marzo 19, 2015

Remembering the 2011 NATO Bombing of Libya (I wrote the text)

The Vermont Movie: Goddard College, Democracy and Education

The Vermont Movie: Goddard College, Democracy and Education from Goddard College on Vimeo.

Freedom & Unity: The Vermont Movie is the first-ever documentary series about Vermont. The six-part film is a collaboration of three dozen critically acclaimed Vermont filmmakers, led by award-winning filmmaker Nora Jacobson. The Goddard College segment of the Vermont Movie was filmed in 2008 and 2009. This version has been re-edited in places by Dustin Byerly and traces the evolution of the College from its Universalist roots at the Goddard Seminary in Barre, Vermont, to an experimental progressive College in Plainfield Vermont. The documentary examines the impact Goddard College has had on the state of Vermont using archival photographs, video and interviews.
Goddard alumni and former faculty featured in the documentary include Barry & Lorrie Goldensohn, Peter and Elka Schumann, Dan Chodorkoff (‘71, ’73), Dustin Byerly (’01), Ginny Callan (’74), Joanna Andrews, Fred Wilber (’73), Mark Schulman, Mark Greenberg, Paij Wadley-Bailey (‘79), Murray & Bea Bookchin, Robin Mascitti (’90), Janet Van Fleet (’95), Francis Voigt and Avram Patt (’72).

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domingo, marzo 15, 2015

Telesur: Puerto Rico fortalece su cultura a pesar del colonialismo
  • Esta edición le rinde homenaje al pintor y dramaturgo venezolano César Rengifo.

    Esta edición le rinde homenaje al pintor y dramaturgo venezolano César Rengifo. | Foto: AVN

    Te Recomendamos
    Para el escritor y premio de Novela Rómulo Gallegos 2013, Eduardo Lalo, la isla caribeña resiste los embates del colonialismo estadounidense con la movilización constante y presencia en espacios culturales como la Feria del Libro de Venezuela, de la que su país es invitado especial.
    De acuerdo al escritor puertorriqueño Eduardo Lalo, el pueblo de Puerto Rico ha resistido de manera digna y fortalecido su producción cultural a pesar de encontrarse bajo situación colonial.
    Lalo, premio de Novela Rómulo Gallegos 2013, realizó sus comentarios este sábado a través del programa Librería Mediática, que se transmite por la estatal Venezolana de Televisión, en el marco de la XI Feria Internacional del Libro de Venezuela 2015 (Filven).
    “Aún en situación de colonialismo, Puerto Rico ha resistido dignamente y fortalecido su cultura”, apuntó el escritor.
    Puerto Rico se mantiene en constante movilización por su visibilización en espacios como el cultural, por lo que Lalo consideró como una gran oportunidad la Filven, de la que Puerto Rico es invitado especial.
    "Aunque estamos llenos de marcas y cicatrices abiertas hemos sobrevivido con pujanza, demás somos tan hispano parlantes y latinoamericanos como el pueblo venezolano", sostuvo el escritor desde el espacio de Puerto Rico dispuesto en la Filven.
    Eduador Lalo señaló que los grandes crímenes del siglo XX se cometieron a nombre de un "nacionalismo" expansivo.
    Consideró curioso que en la “cultura norteamericana no se utiliza la palabra nacionalista, siempre el nacionalista es otro, el enemigo, y, sin embargo, cuando se refiere a lo nacionalista estadounidense utiliza la palabra patriotismo”, aseveró.
    En esta edición de la Filven se dan cita 152 expositores: 121 nacionales y 31 internacionales provenientes de Argentina, Alemania, Brasil, China, Australia, Cuba, Ecuador, Francia, Haití, País Vasco, Irán, Italia, México, España, Palestina, Panamá, Perú, Portugal, Puerto Rico y República Dominicana.
    El Teatro Teresa Carreño, la Universidad Nacional de las Artes (Unearte) y la Plaza de los Museos- ubicados en el centro de Caracas, capital venezolana- disponen de sus espacios para más de 550 actividades, entre talleres, conversatorios, conferencias, debates, foros, presentaciones de libros, charlas y recitales de poesía, que se llevarán a cabo hasta el próximo 22 de marzo.
    El Dato: En esta edición se le rinde homenaje al pintor y dramaturgo venezolano César Rengifo, a propósito de cumplirse en mayo próximo el centenario de su nacimiento.

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    Presentando mi libro El Gran Juego de Ajedrez Botánico, 23 de enero

    Foto: Frente Socialista de Puerto Rico

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    viernes, marzo 13, 2015

    Soberanía alimentaria en Puerto Rico

    miércoles, marzo 11, 2015

    March 11 1971

    What follows is one of the Carmelo classics. I wrote this in February 1998, a more hot-headed period of my life.

    There is no room for moderation at the University of Puerto Rico. There will be violence if our demands are not met. The University's administration will be responsible for whatever happens.

    - José Granados-Navedo, UPR student and right-wing bomb-throwing terrorist, January 27 1971. Mr. Granados is currently a legislator for the neofascist New Progressive Party.

    At the beginning of March 1971 the political tempers at the Rio Piedras campus of the University of Puerto Rico (UPR) were hotter than they ever were in that institution's whole history.

    The forced recruitment of Puerto Rican youths to fight against the Vietnamese people, the unwanted presence of the ROTC in the campus, the totalitarian style of UPR president Jaime Benítez and the frontal assault by the right-wing government of Luis A. Ferré on what little autonomy the University enjoyed had encountered a tenacious response by the UPR community. This resistance was becoming more militant and organized every time.

    To add to the tension, various leaders of the Puerto Rico Independence Party had just been incarcerated for camping out in a US military firing range in the Puerto Rican island of Culebra as an act of peaceful protest. The protesters, which included the now senator Rub�n Berr�os, spent months in the infamous Oso Blanco prison for their patriotism.

    A year earlier, on March 4 1970, the students responded to the provocations of right-wing students, ROTC cadets and the University's Security Force by laying siege to the ROTC building for several hours.

    The Fuerza de Choque (an innovative cross between an American riot squad and a South American-style urban warfare force) smashed its way into the campus and carried out an extremely forceful and brutal evacuation of everyone inside. The troops broke then into a violent stampede all over downtown Rio Piedras. It was in the middle of this fascist attack that a policeman murdered 21 year-old student Antonia Mart�nez right in the corner between Ponce de Leon avenue and G�ndara street.

    So, in March 1971 it was evident that a bloody confrontation between the UPR community and the brownshirts was just around the corner.

    And what happened on March 11 1971? At 9 a.m. of that day a group of ROTC cadets, some of them waving American flags entered the Student Center's cafeteria with a defiant and hostile attitude. Inevitably, a fight broke out. Now, this kind of thing had already happened many times before in the previous years, but this day it was different.

    After speaking to several people who were there that day (there were no neutral, detached witnesses, everyone was a participant), I've realized no one was ever the same after that day.

    The cadets, outnumbered and beaten badly, ran to take refuge in their fortress, with angry students stepping on their heels. Both sides began throwing rocks at each other, and several cadets and students were wounded.

    The UPR Security Force, in full riot gear, appeared on the scene, to 'reestablish order', and placed itself between the beleaguered fortress and the students. Student leaders negotiated with the chief of the Security Force and so were able to persuade the students to return to class and the cadets to remain for a while in their building.

    However, after the students dispersed screams and calls for help were heard from the Student Center. The cadets had broken the truce and were attacking the Center with rocks, BB guns and live bullets from the roof of their fortress. The students responded by erecting barricades with the cafeteria chairs and tables and switching to full-battle mode. The cadets then stormed out of their fortress and charged at the Student Center. Far from restraining the ROTC horde, the Security Force joined them in their barbarous attack.

    The fascists had really done it this time. From that moment on, everything that would happen to them, they had asked for it.

    Thousands of students came from all over campus to join the battle. Antonia's death would yet be avenged. The students were not about flee the men in blue this time. They were not going to let UPR become another Kent State, another Jackson State. One abuse too many. It was payback time. If students were going to die that day, they weren't about to do so while engaging in humble non-violent civil disobedience. They would die fighting, and they would take some fascist thugs with them.

    Some of the students had handguns...and some turned out to be pretty good shots that day.

    The Security Force, used to having its way with the unruly mob, the unthinking herd (that's how they viewed the UPR community), used everything it had in its battle: guns, batons, tear gas. But it was no use. They were almost completely surrounded by the students. At eleven a.m. their discipline broke down and they ran in an unorganized retreat towards Barbosa Avenue, which marks the eastern edge of the campus.

    For the first time, students took over the Rio Piedras campus. Without brute force to back them up, ultraconservative professors and administrators trembled in horror.

    The cadets ran back to the safety of their fortress, and were besieged once more, just like the previous year. Students and cadets fired guns at each other. Molotovs, rocks and BB pellets flew from one side to the other. Fighters on either side were wounded, this time more seriously than earlier in the morning. ROTC cadet Jacinto Guti�rrez died from a bullet wound. He wasn't the only one to die that day.

    It was around this time that the first undercover cops were seen on campus, firing at the students. We are pretty certain that some of them were CIA-trained, battle-hardened Cuban exiles. These counterrevolutionary so-called 'freedom fighters' would later form the death squads that terrorized Puerto Rican progressives in the seventies.

    At 12:30 the Fuerza de Choque arrived. They were expected. Two detachments came, one from Barbosa avenue and another one from Ponce de Leon avenue, which marks the western edge of the campus. The troopers expected to take the Student Center in a pincerlike movement from both sides and fully expected the whole thing to be a repeat of March 4 of the previous year. They instead got themselves a deadly surprise.

    The troops that came in from Ponce de Leon avenue, led by commander Juan Mercado, stopped in front of the Student Center. As Mercado gave instructions to his men for a forceful seizure of the Center, shots rang out and they all ducked. One of them didn't get up again. Mercado was dead.

    The troopers panicked and started firing randomly towards the Student Center, riddling it with bullet holes. They weren't good enough. Several shooters in the building returned fire, wounding four of the troopers.

    It was pandemonium. The quasi-military Fuerza de Choque was used to beating the crap out of peaceful student demonstrators� but this time the little bastards were fighting back at them! So they cowered behind their armored vehicle, pleading and whining for reinforcements. (But wait a minute, THEY were the reinforcements!)

    Meanwhile, the troops that came in from Barbosa avenue, under the command of Margaro Cruz, were charged upon by students armed with stones, molotovs and guns. They were totally taken by surprise. It was taken as an article of faith that student demonstrators would flee at the sight of the Fuerza de Choque, and that if any resisted they could be easily be put in their place. "What the hell are we supposed to do if they fire back at us?", they probably asked themselves.

    Cruz was wounded by a bullet, and one of the troopers next to him, Miguel Rosario, was fatally shot. Died on his way to the hospital.

    As I said before, they asked for it.

    I know what you are probably thinking right now. But, as Noam Chomsky always points out, there is a big difference between explaining something and justifying it. I hope you can tell the difference.

    So, the two detachments of the much-feared and invincible Fuerza de Choque were paralyzed and on the defensive. This was the closest Puerto Rico ever came to a revolution in the second half of the twentieth century.

    The stalemate was broken when reinforcements (for the reinforcements that were sent in the first place) appeared on the scene. These ones had AR-15 submachine guns. A new twist in intergenerational struggle.

    Seeing that they were outgunned, the students beat a hasty retreat out of the Student Center and shot their way out to Rio Piedras. The repressive forces finally reestablished the old order on campus and went on to chase the students like enraged bulls. Those who didn't run fast enough were brutally beaten and taken to the police headquarters, where they were beaten even further for hours.

    Civil rights crusader attorney Roberto José Maldonado went to the police building to represent the students, whom he could hear screaming from the lobby. The police told him to get lost. When he insisted, he was beaten for two hours into a bloody pulp. Maldonado got a cerebral injury and was confined to a wheelchair for weeks.

    Later that evening other civil rights lawyers were allowed to see the students and were horrified to see tens of them beaten beyond recognition.

    But the battle was far from over. By 2:30 p.m. the battle had spread to downtown Rio Piedras, where uniformed and undercover cops violently attacked whatever students they could find on the streets. After sundown the students put up barricades in Universidad Avenue and in the corner between Amalia Mar�n and Humacao streets, and defended themselves through the night with everything they had.

    They fought in the finest anarchist tradition: an irregular fighting force, spontaneously formed for self-defense. That morning of March 11, many of those students, who never in their lives had considered throwing rocks at policemen, did not imagine that hours later they'be fighting back against fascism from improvised barricades like true urban guerrillas.

    All over Puerto Rico that night, wealthy businessmen and right-wing politicos were hysterically making phone calls to anyone, anyone who might help them: "Is the revolution coming?", "Are the communists going to execute us?", "What's the next plane to the US?".

    Wounded students and policemen, as well as the bodies of Mercado and Rosario, were taken to the Medical Center. The cops made a horrendous and morbid scene, as they beat the students, including the ones that were badly wounded. Not even doctors and nurses were spared by the batons. A similar scene took place at the Hospital del Maestro.

    Miraculously, not a single student died that day. Only the fascists suffered losses. Antonia's death had indeed been avenged.

    On the following day, the UPR administration closed down the campus for a month. It was reopened on April 12 with armed undercover cops in every corner, security cameras, and other repressive measures. All political activities were banned for the next 30 days, including the sale and posession of the socialist newspaper Claridad.

    But the students would never revert back to their corteous, conformist mode after March 11. In the month of April they carried out no less than five massive protest demonstrations. The message was clear: "Ha, ha, ha! Those batons and bullets didn't hurt one bit! We're willing to do it over again if necessary!"

    Riots happened again in 1973, 1976 and 1981, but never again like in March 11 1971. In the years following 1971, the ROTC left the campus, and the US government abolished the draft and left Vietnam in humiliation and defeat. The students' political space grew by leaps and bounds. Many of today's UPR students take for granted the fact that they can put up flyers, join and form organizations, and participate in marches and demonstrations without fear of being expelled or arrested.

    Indeed, freedom and rights are won only through fire and blood.

    In spite of all this, there are some fools in Puerto Rico who want to repeat the experience. Today, 27 years later, the ROTC wants back in campus. 1971 was so much fun that they want to do it over again.

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    martes, marzo 10, 2015


    Jesús Dávila    
    SAN JUAN, Puerto Rico, 10 de marzo de 2015 (NCM) –  La anunciada llegada de siete generales –entre ellos los jefes de los comandos Sur y Norte- para las maniobras militares apenas días después del decreto del Presidente Barack Obama de una emergencia nacional en Estados Unidos por la crisis de Venezuela, obstaculiza el propósito de que Puerto Rico pase desapercibido en la próxima Cumbre de las Américas.
    Tampoco es de mucha ayuda para la estabilidad colonial que las prácticas militares, en que se ensayarán respuestas a una catástrofe que afecte las operaciones del Estado y la continuidad del gobierno, coincida con un ambiente cargado de protestas y que la Casa Blanca mantenga en su portal cibernético un pedido para que se inicie el proceso de destitución del Gobernador, Alejandro García Padilla, que ha recibido ya decenas de miles de mensajes de respaldo.
    Lo más que el gobierno autonomista logró de los militares es que durante la maniobra no se practique una operación de “rescate” del Gobernador con un helicóptero que le sacaría del Palacio de Santa Catalina, de acuerdo al informe obtenido de una fuente de alto nivel.
    La confirmación de la presencia de los siete generales que llegarán desde EEUU la dio la coronel Marta Carcana, quien indicó que ese número podría aumentar. Además de los jefes del Comando Norte y el del Comando Sur, estará presente el general que comanda la Escuela de Logística y se pondrá a prueba el sistema de comandante único (“dual status commander”) de todas las fuerzas militares, que corresponderá al general de brigada Isabelo Rivera.
    Según el informe de la jefa de la Guardia Nacional, tropas de varios puntos de EEUU practicarán en un escenario de un terremoto y un tsunami –por supuesto, imaginario- que causa miles de víctimas, daños a la infraestructura y afectaría la continuidad de las operaciones gubernamentales. Cuando se le preguntó si se ensayaría también qué hacer sobre la continuidad del Gobierno, contestó, con la típica circunspección militar, un lacónico “Sí”.
    La respuesta de la jefa castrense causó cierta sorpresa en el Palacio de Santa Catalina, donde un portavoz había dicho primero que se buscaban alternativas para que la participación del Gobernador García Padilla fuese lo más discreta posible. Poco después cambió la versión para garantizar que la maniobra se haría “a menor escala” y “no va ningún evento simulado”  relativo al “orden constitucional” de sucesión.
    Mientras tanto, la fuente que reveló que lo que se hizo fue descartar el “rescate” del Gobernador, dijo que ese evento se sustituiría por la participación oportuna de un funcionario de menor rango.
    En círculos diplomáticos no ha escapado el hecho de que la maniobra se produzca en momentos en que la Casa Blanca ha endurecido su asedio al gobierno venezolano y que en el pasado Puerto Rico fue utilizado para apoyar intervenciones en países latinoamericanos. Estos problemas potenciales de seguridad regional dan mayor relevancia a la pregunta de por cuánto tiempo foros internacionales como la Organización de Estados Americanos podrán evadir el tema de la condición colonial de esta pequeña nación isleña, ubicada en el noreste del Mar Caribe y equidistante de Guantánamo y de Caracas.
    Los mandos militares y el Departamento de Seguridad de la Patria (Homeland Security) insisten que será una maniobra para medir la preparación ante un desastre natural, aunque en la rueda de prensa se explicó que la práctica sería de utilidad también con respecto a eventos de “terrorismo”. Medios noticiosos que se han caracterizado por tendencias oficialistas han aportado la publicación recortada de la información de la maniobra o no publicarla y punto.
    De todas formas, en los ambientes sociales y políticos se va desarrollando un simulacro de otro tipo de tsunami. Crece la oposición a la subida de los impuestos y en poco más de una semana, decenas de miles han participado en manifestaciones de protesta, mientras el Gobierno insiste en implantar un impuesto al valor añadido de 16 por ciento, con la característica de que estaría prohibido que se le notifique a la gente la cantidad que ha pagado por el mismo, además de otra medida para que el impuesto al petróleo suba de forma automática si la gente no consume suficiente gasolina para llegar a los recaudos que se esperan.
    Al cobro secreto de un impuesto y el aumento automático de otro se suma también una medida pendiente para que se entregue al Banco Gubernamental de Fomento la potestad para designar “cualquier individuo” como administrador de emergencia de agencias, corporaciones y municipios por un período de hasta dos años, con poderes plenos y sin siquiera tener que pasar por la nominación del Gobernador y confirmación del Senado.
    A la planteada renuncia a poderes constitucionales por parte del propio Gobierno se suma la petición que fue enviada al portal cibernético de la Casa Blanca por un residente de la ciudad de Guaynabo a mediados de febrero pasado. La petición, para que la Casa Blanca y el Congreso inicien el proceso de residencia con el propósito de destituir al Gobernador había pasado sin pena ni gloria, hasta que el domingo se convirtió en “viral” y en apenas 48 horas acumuló más de 50.000 firmas electrónicas de respaldo.
    Desde los años treinta del siglo pasado, no se producían desde Puerto Rico gestiones intensas para pedir a Washington la destitución del Gobernador. En aquellos tiempos, el presidente de EEUU designaba a los gobernadores de Puerto Rico.
    García Padilla, por su parte, responde a los opositores tildándolos de ignorantes, “evasores” y personas de “mentes insularizadas”, mientras no contesta el llamado a negociar del cónclave de prelados de las iglesias.
    El ambiente general, ciertamente, no es el mismo de los tiempos de auge del autonomismo bajo la figura carismática de Luis Muñoz Marín, quien fue instrumental para las políticas estadounidenses en la región, desde la promoción de la democracia en Venezuela hasta el envío de aviones de la Guardia Nacional para el derrocamiento del gobierno constitucional de Guatemala.

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    sábado, marzo 07, 2015

    The Self Show: Episode III - Time is on my side

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    domingo, marzo 01, 2015

    The Self Show - teaser (2)